Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta educación. Mostrar todas las entradas
Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta educación. Mostrar todas las entradas

sábado, 20 de julio de 2019

ARS para niños: La centralidad en la película Frozen


¿Quién es el personaje más importante en Frozen? Lo que las redes pueden decirnos sobre el mundo

Autores y revisores
Autores
Petter Holme
*holme@cns.pi.titech.ac.jp
Mason A. Porter
Hiroki Sayama

Jóvenes revisores
Chloe
Stefania

Frontiers for Young Kids

Resumen
¿Cómo podemos determinar la importancia de los personajes en una película como Frozen? Podemos mirarla, por supuesto, pero hay también otras maneras-usando matemáticas y computadoras- para ver quién es importante en la red social de una historia. La idea es computar números llamados centralidades, los cuales son modos de medir quién es importante en las redes sociales. En este trabajo, hablamos acerca de cómo diferentes tipos de centralidades miden la importancia en diferentes modos. También discutimos cómo la gente usa las centralidades para estudiar muchas formas de redes, no sólo las sociales. Los científicos está ahora desarrollando medidas de centralidad que también consideran cambios en el tiempo y diferentes tipos de relaciones.


La película Frozen y las redes sociales.

¿Has visto la película Frozen? Cuenta la historia de dos hermanas huérfanas, Elsa y Anna, que son princesas del reino de Arendelle. Elsa tiene un poder mágico que le permite crear nieve y hielo, pero esta magia es peligrosa para ella y las personas que la rodean. Para proteger a Anna, Elsa la ha estado evitando desde que eran muy jóvenes. En el vigésimo primer cumpleaños de Elsa, es coronada reina de Arendelle. En la fiesta para celebrar su coronación, ella pierde el control de su magia, lanzando a Arendelle a un hechizo de invierno eterno. Elsa se enoja mucho y deja a Arendelle. Anna emprende una búsqueda para recuperar a su hermana y acabar con el hechizo del invierno. En el camino, conoce a muchos personajes memorables, como el cosechador de hielo Kristoff, sus amigos trolls y, por supuesto, el muñeco de nieve Olaf. Anna también se ha visto afectada por la magia de Elsa y está maldita por congelarse gradualmente en el hielo, por lo que es muy importante que Anna y todo Arendelle rompan el hechizo.

En Frozen, muchos de los personajes se conocen, ya sea antes de que comience la historia o después de reunirse durante la película. Elsa (por supuesto) conoce a su hermana Anna, que conoce a Kristoff, que conoce a los trolls. Una colección de personas que se conocen, en combinación con las relaciones entre esas personas, se llama una red social. Una colección de nodos y las conexiones entre nodos. Las redes sociales son importantes. Por ejemplo, ayudan a difundir el conocimiento, porque las personas se dicen unas a otras cuando se hablan o se envían mensajes. En Frozen, por ejemplo, Anna aprende a través de una red social que su hechizo solo puede curarse mediante un acto de amor verdadero. Ella aprende esto de los trolls, a quienes conoció a través de Kristoff.

Ideas Básicas de Medidas de Centralidad.

Las redes sociales pueden decirnos algo acerca de las personas en ellas. Cuando alguien está en una situación difícil, pueden usar un poco de ayuda de sus amigos. ¿Quién tiene más amigos en Frozen? Es difícil decirlo solo con ver la película, pero podemos estudiar otro tipo de red social: la red de quién habla con quién. Esta red, que mostramos en la Figura 1, no es exactamente lo mismo que una red de amistad, pero es mucho más fácil determinar con precisión quién habla con quién en la película que decidir quién es amigo entre sí y qué tan fuerte es. esas amistades son En esta red de conversaciones, Anna habla con nueve personas, por lo que suponemos que tiene nueve amigos. Los matemáticos dicen que Anna es un nodo.
Las cosas en una red que están conectadas a otras cosas. Por ejemplo, en la red social Frozen, los personajes de la película son los nodos. En esta red, que tiene un título.El número total de vecinos de un nodo de nueve, y que esos nueve amigos son sus vecinos. Los nodos a los que se conecta un nodo. Del mismo modo, Elsa tiene un grado de ocho, porque tiene ocho amigos; y Kristoff tiene un grado de seis. Calcular el grado de alguien es una forma de medir su importancia, pero también hay muchas otras formas.




Figura 1 - Una red de los personajes principales de Frozen.
Esta red muestra quién habla con quién en la película. Cuanto más se dicen los dos personajes, más gruesa es la línea entre ellos. Destacamos los personajes particularmente importantes en negro. Cada carácter, como Olaf, es un "nodo" en la red. Olaf habla con tres personajes, Anna, Elsa y Sven, en esta red, por lo que decimos que tiene un "grado" de tres. Anna, Elsa y Sven son los "vecinos" de Olaf en la red.

Observe detenidamente la Figura 1. ¿Podemos averiguar quién es el personaje más importante en Frozen después de mirar la red en esta imagen? Las personas importantes a menudo tienen muchos amigos. Además, los amigos de personas importantes a menudo también son personas importantes. Para medir esto con un número, comenzamos asumiendo al principio que todos los caracteres (es decir, los nodos) son igualmente importantes, con un valor inicial de 1. Luego actualizamos la importancia (llamada centralidad).
Un número que expresa la importancia de un nodo por personas que estudian redes) de todos al sumar las importancias de los personajes con los que están conectados (en otras palabras, sus vecinos). Después de hacer esto una vez, el resultado inicial es igual al grado, es decir, al número de amigos de cada nodo. Dividimos estos números por la suma de las importancias de todos los nodos (esto evita que los números se vuelvan demasiado grandes) para obtener un nuevo conjunto de importancias. Al repetir esto una y otra vez, reemplazando la importancia de cada nodo por la suma de las importancias de sus vecinos y dividiendo los resultados por la suma de todas las importancias en la red, las importancias eventualmente dejan de cambiar. Por favor, intente esto usted mismo usando la Figura 2 como hoja de trabajo; Para redes pequeñas, los números generalmente dejan de cambiar rápidamente. Los números que obtenemos al final del cálculo se denominan centralidades del vector propio.
Un tipo de centralidad que se basa en la idea de que los nodos importantes tienen vecinos importantes, un nombre elegante para el tipo particular de importancia que estamos calculando. Para la red en la Figura 1, si tomamos en cuenta la frecuencia con la que los personajes se hablan, Anna tiene el valor más alto, con 0.295; Kristoff ocupa el segundo lugar, con 0.210; y Elsa viene en tercer lugar, con 0.151. Según estos números, Anna sigue siendo el personaje más importante, pero ahora Kristoff está clasificado por encima de Elsa. Si ignoramos la frecuencia con la que los personajes se hablan entre sí, los números cambian un poco: Anna sigue primero, con 0.146; Elsa es segunda, con 0.132; y Kristoff ahora es tercero, con 0.112.


Figura 2: procedimiento paso a paso para calcular las centralidades del vector propio de los nodos en una red.

Ilustramos este procedimiento con una red simple. Podemos usarlo como una forma de medir la importancia de diferentes personajes en la película Frozen.

En este punto, puede que se esté preguntando por qué a alguien le molesta calcular números como la centralidad del vector propio para medir la importancia. Está claro al ver a Frozen que la mayoría de las cosas suceden debido a la magia de Elsa, ¿entonces tal vez debería ser el personaje más importante? Sin embargo, eche un vistazo a la red en la Figura 1: es una red de quién habla con quién, no de quién realiza qué acción causa ese evento mayor. La red en la Figura 1 nos dice quién es importante para la narración de la película Frozen, en lugar de quién es importante para causar los eventos en Arendelle.

Podemos hacer un cálculo similar para una red narrativa, que es una red de los eventos que causan otros eventos [1]. En este caso, es mucho más difícil construir la red. La Figura 3 es un intento de comenzar a hacer tal red; ¿Tal vez puedas completarlo? En dicha red, los eventos causados ​​por Elsa pueden tener grados realmente grandes y centralidades de vectores propios. Esto significa que, aunque Anna es el personaje más importante para contar la historia de Frozen, en cambio, es Elsa la más importante para los eventos que conforman la historia.


Figura 3 - Una red narrativa simple pero incompleta de eventos cerca del comienzo de Frozen.

Las redes están en todas partes

Ahora que hemos ilustrado la idea de calcular números como centralidades, retrocedamos un poco. ¿Por qué deberíamos preocuparnos por estas redes sociales y cálculos? La razón es que las redes están en todas partes en nuestra vida cotidiana, y aprender sobre redes nos ayuda a entender una gran variedad de cosas diferentes [2, 3]. Daremos algunos ejemplos.

Un ejemplo realmente importante de una red es Internet. Internet es una gran red mundial de computadoras, tabletas, teléfonos y otros dispositivos que están interconectados por cables y conexiones inalámbricas. Podemos pensar en internet como una red social de computadoras. Cada computadora tiene "amigos" (otras computadoras que están conectadas a ella), y esos amigos son puertas de entrada a diferentes partes de la red, como en la red social de personajes de Frozen. Cuando envía un mensaje de texto desde un teléfono, una tableta o una computadora, se transmite a uno de sus amigos, a un amigo de sus amigos, y así sucesivamente, hasta que el mensaje llegue al destinatario (su amigo). Conocer las propiedades de esta gigantesca red de computadoras es importante por muchas razones prácticas. Por ejemplo, los ingenieros quieren saber qué dispositivos tienen mayor importancia (centralidad) y cuántos pasos en promedio son necesarios para pasar de un dispositivo a otro. En una red grande como Internet, ¿hay muchos pasos o hay muy pocos de ellos [3]?

Otros ejemplos de redes son las interacciones ecológicas en la naturaleza. Las especies biológicas interactúan entre sí de muchas maneras diferentes. Una de las interacciones más importantes es quién come a quién, lo que se llama "depredación". Podemos escoger una especie (una rana, por ejemplo) y hacer una lista de otras especies que la comen (como serpientes y mapaches) y que se comen por ella (como insectos y gusanos). Si también hacemos estas listas para cada una de las especies, eventualmente obtendremos un gran conjunto de relaciones (llamadas "redes alimenticias"), que ilustran las relaciones de depredación entre muchas especies. Esto es bastante diferente de las amistades y conversaciones que discutimos anteriormente, pero podemos aprender mucho sobre ecología estudiando este tipo de red. Por ejemplo, la centralidad de una especie puede indicar la cantidad de daño ecológico que se produciría si esa especie se extingue.

Estos ejemplos ilustran el poder de las representaciones matemáticas como las redes. Podemos usar las mismas herramientas matemáticas para estudiar muchas redes diferentes, aunque los componentes reales de la red, como los personajes, las computadoras o las especies biológicas, pueden ser muy diferentes. Hay muchos otros ejemplos de redes además de los que discutimos aquí. ¿Se te ocurre alguno?

¿Qué más podemos estudiar sobre las redes?

En los ejemplos de redes que discutimos anteriormente, no permitimos que las redes cambien, a pesar de que las personas hacen nuevos amigos todo el tiempo, como cuando van a una nueva escuela. Tampoco distinguimos entre diferentes tipos de relaciones. En Frozen, por ejemplo, Elsa y Anna son hermanas, pero Anna y Olaf son amigas.

Hoy en día, los científicos están investigando activamente formas de extender los cálculos a situaciones más complicadas, como las redes en las que los nodos y las conexiones se agregan, modifican o eliminan a lo largo del tiempo [4]. Debido a que la red de quién habla con quién en Frozen se desarrolla a lo largo del tiempo con el flujo de la historia, es conveniente medir los caracteres importantes de manera que permita que la importancia cambie con el tiempo. Otra característica destacada de las redes sociales es que hay muchos tipos de relaciones a la vez, no solo amistades; y los investigadores están desarrollando activamente formas de medir nodos importantes de una manera que combina múltiples relaciones. Esto es útil no solo para las redes sociales, sino también para otros tipos de redes. En la naturaleza, por ejemplo, los animales no solo se comen unos a otros; también interactúan entre sí de otras maneras, y las complejas estructuras sociales de los animales dependen de estas diversas relaciones [5].

El estudio de redes es un área de investigación apasionante que vincula ideas de matemáticas, ciencias sociales, física, ciencias de la computación, ecología y muchas otras materias. Uno de los principales problemas en el análisis de redes es determinar las mejores maneras de medir la importancia de las personas, los animales y otras entidades. A través de nuestra ilustración con la historia de Frozen, le hemos dado una ventana a esta emocionante área de estudio.


Glosario


Red: Una colección de nodos y las conexiones entre nodos.

Nodo: Las cosas en una red que están conectadas a otras cosas. Por ejemplo, en la red social Frozen, los personajes de la película son los nodos.

Grado: El número total de vecinos de un nodo.

Vecinos: Los nodos a los que se conecta un nodo.

Centralidad: Un número que expresa la importancia de un nodo.

Centralidad del vector propio: Un tipo de centralidad que se basa en la idea de que los nodos importantes tienen vecinos importantes.


Referencias


[1] Bearman, P., Moody, J., and Faris, R. 2003. Networks and history. Complexity 8:61–71. doi: 10.1002/cplx.10054

[2] NetSciEd. (Eds). 2015. Network Literacy: Essential Concepts and Core Ideas. Available online at: http://tinyurl.com/networkliteracy. (Accessed 5 July, 2019).

[3] Newman, M. E. J. 2018. Networks, 2nd Edn. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

[4] Taylor, D., Myers, S. A., Clauset, A., Porter, M. A., and Mucha, P. J. 2017. Eigenvector-based centrality measures for temporal networks. Multiscale Model. Simul. 15:537–74. doi: 10.1137/16M1066142

[5] Finn, K. R., Silk, M. J., Porter, M. A., and Pinter-Wollman, N. 2019. The use of multilayer network analysis in animal behaviour. Anim. Behav. 149:7–22. doi: 10.1016/j.anbehav.2018.12.016

domingo, 29 de enero de 2017

ARS implícito de una profesora: Replicando a Levy Moreno

El truco ninja de una profesora para combatir el acoso escolar
Es una estrategia ideada por una profesora de matemáticas de Florida


La profesora Kathy Pitt en una imagen de la televisión estadounidense NBC

Jaime Rubio Hancock - Verne


Una profesora conoce una técnica muy útil para combatir el acoso escolar. Y muchos maestros la están compartiendo. El truco se explicó durante la presentación de un teléfono de ayuda contra el bullying en El Vendrell. Tal y como recoge el Diari de Tarragona, los maestros de la localidad llevan tiempo pasándose "por internet la historia de una profesora inglesa que se ha convertido en ejemplo". En Nació Digital recogían esta historia unos días antes.Allí se explica que la maestra "prefiere mantener el anonimato". En otros medios la docente ya ha pasado a ser catalana.

La primera vez que se publicó esta técnica para luchar contra el acoso escolar fue el 30 de enero de 2014, en Momastery, el blog de Glennon Doyle Melton, una escritora (y madre) de Florida, en Estados Unidos. En su texto, "Compartid esto con todas las escuelas, por favor" habla de una charla que tuvo con la profesora de matemáticas de su hijo Chase, entonces alumno de quinto de primaria.


Cada viernes por la tarde, la profesora de Chase pide a sus estudiantes que saquen una hoja y escriban los nombres de cuatro niños con quienes les gustaría sentarse la semana siguiente. Los niños saben que estos deseos pueden cumplirse o no. También pide a los estudiantes que digan el nombre de un compañero que se haya portado de forma excepcional. Todas las votaciones se entregan de forma privada.

Y cada viernes por la tarde, después de que sus alumnos se vayan a casa, la profesora de Chase saca esos papeles y los estudia. Busca patrones.
  • ¿Qué nombre no quiere nadie?
  • ¿Quién no sabe junto a quién quiere sentarse?
  • ¿Quién no recibe la suficiente atención para ser votado?
  • ¿Quién tenía un millón de amigos la semana pasada y ninguno esta semana?
Lo que realmente quería esta profesora, explicaba Melton, era "identificar a los niños solitarios. Buscar a los alumnos que tienen dificultad para conectar con sus compañeros". En definitiva, saber a quién se está acosando y quién está acosando.

Melton calificaba esta idea de "la estrategia de amor ninja más brillante que conozco" y añadía que la profesora, a punto de jubilarse, llevaba haciéndolo cada viernes desde la matanza de Columbine, en 1999, cuando dos estudiantes asesinaron a 13 personas.

La bloguera no dio en este texto el nombre de la profesora, pero la historia se compartió cuatro millones de veces en cuatro días, así que al final incluso fue entrevistada por la cadena NBC. Kathy Pitt (este es su nombre) explicó en esta entrevista que los nombres que menos aparecen son los de los niños a quienes se está dejando más de lado. Algunos de sus alumnos también hablaron con la NBC y aseguraron que gracias a esta iniciativa se llevaban mucho mejor entre ellos.

Según datos de Save the Children publicados por EL PAÍS en febrero, uno de cada diez alumnos asegura que ha sufrido acoso escolar en España, lo que supone más de 190.000 víctimas y 100.000 agresores.

Nota del administrador: El trabajo de Kathy Pitt es similar en enfoque al realizado por Jakob Levy Moreno en su libro "Who Shall Survive?" que dio nacimiento al sociograma. Kathy adoleció de las herramientas formales pero el objetivo era detectar patrones estructurales en la red social de su clase escolar.

viernes, 5 de febrero de 2016

Redes sociales de profesores de TIC

Social Networks of Teachers in Twitter
Redes sociales de profesores en Twitter

Hernán Gil Ramírez
College of Education
Carrera 27 #10-02
Barrio Alamos
Pereira, Risaralda (Colombia)
ZIP code 660003
hegil@utp.edu.co

Rosa María Guilleumas García
College of Humanities and Fine Arts
Carrera 27 #10-02
Barrio Alamos
Pereira, Risaralda (Colombia)
ZIP code 660003
roguiga@utp.edu.co

Esta investigación tuvo como objetivo identificar las tendencias en los temas de interés de los tweets publicados por 43 profesores expertos en el campo de las TIC y la educación y la red de sus seguidores y seguidos en el altavoz de agudos, así como su relación con las características de la red. Con este fin, NodeXL fue empleado para importar, directa y automáticamente, 185.517 tuits que dieron origen a una red de conexiones de 49.229 nodos. Análisis de los datos involucrados análisis social de la red, la extracción de texto y minería de texto usando NodeXL, Excel y T-Lab. La hipótesis de la investigación fue que existe una correlación directa entre las tendencias identificadas en los temas de interés y las características de la red de conexiones que emergen de la tweets.Among importado las conclusiones del estudio podemos destacar que la mayoría de las tendencias identificadas a partir los tweets analizados estaban relacionados con la educación y las tecnologías educativas que podrían mejorar los procesos de enseñanza y aprendizaje; la asociación entre la educación y las tecnologías que se encuentran a través del procedimiento de minería de texto aplicado a los tweets; y, finalmente, que el análisis de lemas parece ser más prometedor que el de hashtags para detectar tendencias en los tweets.

Enlace al original

jueves, 17 de abril de 2014

Red de amigos en clase: Sesgo parental y efectos de pares

Red de amigos en clase: Sesgo parental y efectos de pares

Los autores entrevistan a los padres y sus hijos matriculados en seis escuelas primarias en el distrito de Treviso (Italia). Se estudia las diferencias estructurales entre la red de amigos niños reportados por los niños y los esbozados preguntados a los padres. Encontramos que la red de los padres tiene un sesgo: los padres esperan que los efectos de otros amigos sobre el rendimiento escolar sean más fuertes de lo que realmente son. Por lo tanto, los padres de los estudiantes de bajo rendimiento informan que sus hijos son amigos de los estudiantes de alto rendimiento. Nuestras simulaciones numéricas indican que cuando esta tendencia se combina con un sesgo de cómo algunos niños se dirigen a los amigos, a continuación, hay un efecto multiplicador en el rendimiento escolar esperado.

miércoles, 7 de agosto de 2013

La red desplaza a los profesores de las aulas

How Big Data Is Taking Teachers Out of the Lecturing Business

Schools and universities are embracing technology that tailors content to students' abilities and takes teachers out of the lecturing business. But is it an improvement?


By Seth Fletcher

When Arnecia Hawkins enrolled at Arizona State University last fall, she did not realize she was volunteering as a test subject in an experimental reinvention of American higher education. Yet here she was, near the end of her spring semester, learning math from a machine. In a well-appointed computer lab in Tempe, on Arizona State's desert resort of a campus, she and a sophomore named Jessica were practicing calculating annuities. Through a software dashboard, they could click and scroll among videos, text, quizzes and practice problems at their own pace. As they worked, their answers, along with reams of data on the ways in which they arrived at those answers, were beamed to distant servers. Predictive algorithms developed by a team of data scientists compared their stats with data gathered from tens of thousands of other students, looking for clues as to what Hawkins was learning, what she was struggling with, what she should learn next and how, exactly, she should learn it.
Having a computer for an instructor was a change for Hawkins. “I'm not gonna lie—at first I was really annoyed with it,” she says. The arrangement was a switch for her professor, too. David Heckman, a mathematician, was accustomed to lecturing to the class, but he had to take on the role of a roving mentor, responding to raised hands and coaching students when they got stumped. Soon, though, both began to see some benefits. Hawkins liked the self-pacing, which allowed her to work ahead on her own time, either from her laptop or from the computer lab. For Heckman, the program allowed him to more easily track his students' performance. He could open a dashboard that told him, in granular detail, how each student was doing—not only who was on track and who was not but who was working on any given concept. Heckman says he likes lecturing better, but he seems to be adjusting. One definite perk for instuctors: the software does most of the grading for them.
At the end of the term, Hawkins will have completed the last college math class she will probably ever have to take. She will think back on this data-driven course model—so new and controversial right now—as the “normal” college experience. “Do we even have regular math classes here?” she asks.
Big Data Takes Education
Arizona State's decision to move to computerized learning was born, at least in part, of necessity. With more than 70,000 students, Arizona State is the largest public university in the U.S. Like institutions at every level of American education, it is going through some wrenching changes. The university has lost 50 percent of its state funding over the past five years. Meanwhile enrollment is rising, with alarmingly high numbers of students showing up on campus unprepared to do college-level work. “There is a sea of people we're trying to educate that we've never tried to educate before,” says Al Boggess, director of the Arizona State math department. “The politicians are saying, ‘Educate them. Remediation? Figure it out. And we want them to graduate in four years. And your funding is going down, too.’”
Two years ago Arizona State administrators went looking for a more efficient way to shepherd students through basic general-education requirements—particularly those courses, such as college math, that disproportionately cause students to drop out. A few months after hearing a pitch by Jose Ferreira, the founder and CEO of the New York City adaptive-learning start-up Knewton, Arizona State made a big move. That fall, with little debate or warning, it placed 4,700 students into computerized math courses. Last year some 50 instructors coached 7,600 Arizona State students through three entry-level math courses running on Knewton software. By the fall of 2014 ASU aims to adapt six more courses, adding another 19,000 students a year to the adaptive-learning ranks. (In May, Knewton announced a partnership with Macmillan Education, a sister company to Scientific American.)
Arizona State is one of the earliest, most aggressive adopters of data-driven, personalized learning. Yet educational institutions at all levels are pursuing similar options as a way to cope with rising enrollments, falling budgets and more stringent requirements for student achievement. Public primary and secondary schools in 45 states and the District of Columbia are rushing to implement new, higher standards in English-language arts and mathematics known as the Common Core state standards, and those schools need new instructional materials and tests to make that happen. Around half of those tests will be online and adaptive, meaning that a computer will tailor questions to each student's ability and calculate each student's score [see “Why We Need High-Speed Schools,” on page 69]. School systems are experimenting with a range of other adaptive programs, from math and reading lessons for elementary school students to “quizzing engines” that help high school students prepare for Advanced Placement exams. The technology is also catching on overseas. The 2015 edition of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development's Program for International Student Assessment (PISA) test, which is given to 15-year-olds (in more than 70 nations and economies so far) every three years, will include adaptive components to evaluate hard-to-measure skills such as collaborative problem solving.
Proponents of adaptive learning say that technology has finally made it possible to deliver individualized instruction to every student at an affordable cost—to discard the factory model that has dominated Western education for the past two centuries. Critics say it is data-driven learning, not traditional learning, that threatens to turn schools into factories. They see this increasing digitization as yet another unnecessary sellout to for-profit companies that push their products on teachers and students in the name of “reform.” The supposedly advanced tasks that computers can now barely pull off—diagnosing a student's strengths and weaknesses and adjusting materials and approaches to suit individual learners—are things human teachers have been doing well for hundreds of years. Instead of delegating these tasks to computers, opponents say, we should be spending more on training, hiring and retaining good teachers.
And while adaptive-learning companies claim to have nothing but the future of America's children in mind, there is no denying the potential for profit. Dozens of them are rushing to get in on the burgeoning market for instructional technology, which is now a multibillion-dollar industry [see box at left]. As much as 20 percent of instructional content in K–12 schools is already delivered digitally, says Adam Newman, a founding partner of the market-analysis firm Education Growth Advisors. Although adaptive-learning software makes up only a small slice of the digital-instruction pie—around $50 million for the K–12 market—it could grow quickly. Newman says the concept of adaptivity is already very much in the water in K–12 schools. “In K–12, the focus has been on differentiating instruction for years,” he says. “Differentiating instruction, even without technology, is really a form of adaptation.”
Higher-education administrators are warming up to adaptivity, too. In a recent Inside Higher Ed/Gallup poll, 66 percent of college presidents said they found adaptive-learning and testing technologies promising. The Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation has launched the Adaptive Learning Market Acceleration Program, which will issue 10 $100,000 grants to U.S. colleges and universities to develop adaptive courses that enroll at least 500 students over three semesters. “In the long term—20 years out—I would expect virtually every course to have an adaptive component of some kind,” says Peter Stokes, an expert on digital education at Northeastern University. That will be a good thing, he says—an opportunity to apply empirical study and cognitive science to education in a way that has never been done. In higher education in particular, “very, very, very few instructors have a formal education in how to teach,” he says. “We do things, and we think they work. But when you start doing scientific measurement, you realize that some of our ways of doing things have no empirical basis.”
The Science of Adaptivity
In general, “adaptive” refers to a computerized-learning interface that constantly assesses a student's thinking habits and automatically customizes material for him or her. Not surprisingly, though, competitors argue ferociously about who can claim the title of true adaptivity. Some say that a test that does nothing more than choose your next question based on whether you get the item in front of you correct—a test that steers itself according to the logic of binary branching—does not, in 2013, count as fully adaptive. In this view, adaptivity requires the creation of a psychometric profile of each user, plus the continuous adjustment of the experience based on that person's progress.
To make this happen, adaptive-software makers must first map the connections among every concept in a piece of learning material. Once that is done, every time a student watches a video, reads an explanation, solves a practice problem or takes a quiz, data on the student's performance, the effectiveness of the content, and more flow to a server. Then the algorithms take over, comparing that student with thousands or even millions of others. Patterns should emerge. It could turn out that a particular student is struggling with the same concept as students who share a specific psychometric profile. The software will know what works well for that type of student and will adjust the material accordingly. With billions of data points from millions of students and given enough processing power and experience, these algorithms should be able to do all kinds of prognostication, down to telling you that you will learn exponents best between 9:42 and 10:03 a.m.
They should also be able to predict the best way to get you to remember the material you are learning. Ulrik Juul Christensen, CEO of Area9, the developer of the data-analysis software underpinning McGraw-Hill's adaptive LearnSmart products, emphasizes his company's use of the concept of memory decay. More than two million students currently use LearnSmart's adaptive software to study dozens of topics, either on their own or as part of a course. Research has shown that those students (all of us, really) remember a new word or fact best when they learn it and then relearn it when they are just on the cusp of forgetting it. Area9's instructional software uses algorithms to predict each user's unique memory-decay curve so that it can remind a student of something learned last week at the moment it is about to slip out of his or her brain forever.
Few human instructors can claim that sort of prescience. Nevertheless, Christensen dismisses the idea that computers could ever replace teachers. “I don't think we are so stupid that we would let computers take over teaching our kids,” he says.
Backlash
In March, Gerald J. Conti, a social studies teacher at Westhill High School in Syracuse, N.Y., posted a scathing retirement letter to his Facebook page that quickly became a viral sensation. “In their pursuit of Federal tax dollars,” he wrote, “our legislators have failed us by selling children out to private industries such as Pearson Education,” the educational-publishing giant, which has partnered with Knewton to develop products. “My profession is being demeaned by a pervasive atmosphere of distrust, dictating that teachers cannot be permitted to develop and administer their own quizzes and tests (now titled as generic ‘assessments’) or grade their own students' examinations.” Conti sees big data leading not to personalized learning for all but to an educational monoculture: “STEM [science, technology, engineering and mathematics] rules the day, and ‘data driven’ education seeks only conformity, standardization, testing and a zombie-like adherence to the shallow and generic Common Core.”
Conti's letter is only one example of the backlash building against tech-oriented, testing-focused education reform. In January teachers at Garfield High School in Seattle voted to boycott the Measures of Academic Progress (MAP) test, administered in school districts across the country to assess student performance. After tangling with their district's superintendent and school board, the teachers continued the boycott, which soon spread to other Seattle schools. Educators in Chicago and elsewhere held protests to show solidarity. In mid-May it was announced that Seattle high schools would be allowed to opt out of MAP, as long as they replaced it with some other evaluation.
It would be easy for proponents of data-driven learning to counter these protests if they could definitely prove that their methods work better than the status quo. But they cannot do that, at least not yet. Empirical evidence about effectiveness is, as Darrell M. West, an adaptive-learning proponent and founder of the Brookings Institution's Center for Technology Innovation, has written, “preliminary and impressionistic.” Any accurate evaluation of adaptive-learning technology would have to isolate and account for all variables: increases or decreases in a class's size; whether the classroom was “flipped” (meaning homework was done in class and lectures were delivered via video on the students' own time); whether the material was delivered via video, text or game; and so on. Arizona State says 78 percent of students taking the Knewton-ized developmental math course passed, up from 56 percent before. Yet it is always possible that more students are passing not because of technology but because of a change in policy: the university now lets students retake developmental math or stretch it over two semesters without paying tuition twice.
Even if proponents of adaptive technology prove that it works wonderfully, they will still have to contend with privacy concerns. It turns out that plenty of people find pervasive psychometric-data gathering unnerving. Witness the fury that greeted inBloom earlier this year. InBloom essentially offers off-site digital storage for student data—names, addresses, phone numbers, attendance, test scores, health records—formatted in a way that enables third-party education applications to use it. When inBloom was launched in February, the company announced partnerships with school districts in nine states, and parents were outraged. Fears of a “national database” of student information spread. Critics said that school districts, through inBloom, were giving their children's confidential data away to companies who sought to profit by proposing a solution to a problem that does not exist. Since then, all but three of those nine states have backed out.
This might all seem like overreaction, but to be fair, adaptive-education proponents already talk about a student's data-generated profile following them throughout their educational career and even beyond. Last fall the education-reform campaign Digital Learning Now released a paper arguing for the creation of “data backpacks” for pre-K–12 students—electronic transcripts that kids would carry with them from grade to grade so that they will show up on the first day of school with “data about their learning preferences, motivations, personal accomplishments, and an expanded record of their achievement over time.” Once it comes time to apply for college or look for a job, why not use the scores stored in their data backpacks as credentials? Something similar is already happening in Japan, where it is common for managers who have studied English with the adaptive-learning software iKnow to list their iKnow scores on their resumes.
This Is Not a Test
It is far from clear whether concerned parents and scorned instructors are enough to stop the march of big data on education. “The reality is that it's going to be done,” says Eva Baker, director of the Center for the Study of Evaluation at the University of California, Los Angeles. “It's not going to be a little part. It's going to be a big part. And it's going to be put in place partly because it's going to be less expensive than doing professional development.”
That does not mean teachers are going away. Nor does it mean that schools will become increasingly test-obsessed. It could mean the opposite. Sufficiently advanced testing is indistinguishable from instruction. In a fully adaptive classroom, students will be continually assessed, with every keystroke and mouse click feeding a learner profile. High-stakes exams could eventually disappear, replaced by the calculus of perpetual monitoring.
Long before that happens, generational turnover could make these computerized methods of instruction and testing, so foreign now, unremarkable, as they are for Arizona State's Hawkins and her classmates. Teachers could come around, too. Arizona State's executive vice provost Phil Regier believes they will, at least: “I think a good majority of the instructors would say this was a good move. And by the way, in three years 80 percent of them aren't going to know anything else.”
Take an adaptive quiz on state capitals at ScientificAmerican.com/aug2013/learn-smart

domingo, 30 de junio de 2013

Redes afectivas en una investigación sobre un colegio secundario estadounidense

RESEARCHERS MAP THE SEXUAL NETWORK OF AN ENTIRE HIGH SCHOOL

COLUMBUS, Ohio – For the first time, sociologists have mapped the romantic and sexual relationships of an entire high school over 18 months, providing evidence that these adolescent networks may be structured differently than researchers previously thought.

James Moody
The results showed that, unlike many adult networks, there was no core group of very sexually active people at the high school. There were not many students who had many partners and who provided links to the rest of the community.
Instead, the romantic and sexual network at the school created long chains of connections that spread out through the community, with few places where students directly shared the same partners with each other. But they were indirectly linked, partner to partner to partner. One component of the network linked 288 students – more than half of those who were romantically active at the school – in one long chain. (See figure for a representation of the network.)
James Moody, co-author of the study and professor of sociology at Ohio State University, said this network could be compared to rural phone lines, running from a long main trunk line to individual houses. As a comparison, many adult sexual networks are more like an airline hub system where many points are connected to a small number of hubs.

While many students were connected to much larger networks, they probably didn’t see it that way, Moody said. In fact, they probably had no idea of their connections to the network. “Many of the students only had one partner. They certainly weren’t being promiscuous. But they couldn’t see all the way down the chain.”


“We went into this study believing we would find a core model, with a small group of people who are sexually active,” Moody said. “We were surprised to find a very different kind of network.”
The results have implications for designing policies to stop the spread of sexually transmitted diseases among adolescents, he said.
The study was conducted by Peter Bearman of Columbia University, Moody, and Katherine Stovel of theUniversity of Washington. The results were published in a recent issue of the American Journal of Sociology.
The researchers used data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health. As part of that study in 1995, researchers interviewed nearly all students at an unidentified Midwestern school that they renamed “Jefferson High School.” It is an almost all-white school, and is the only public high school in this mid-sized city, which is more than an hour away from the nearest metropolitan area.
Researchers interviewed 832 of the approximately 1,000 students at the school. Students were asked to identify their sexual and romantic partners in the past 18 months from a roster of other students attending their school. (Romantic relationships were ones in which the students named the other as a romantic partner. Non-romantic sexual partners were those in which the participants said they had sexual intercourse, but were not dating).
Slightly more than half of all students reported having sexual intercourse, a rate comparable to the national average. The researchers mapped the network structure of the 573 students involved in a romantic or sexual relationship.
Moody said the results generate a snapshot of the network of romantic and sexual relations among teens attending the school in this 18-month period –- the first such image of an entire population such as this.
The most striking feature of the network was a single component that connected 52 percent (288) of the romantically involved students at Jefferson. This means student A had relations with student B, who had relations with student C and so on, connecting all 288 of these students.
While this component is large, it has numerous short branches and is very broad – the two most distant individuals are 37 steps apart. (Or to use a currently popular term, there were 37 degrees of separation between the two most-distant students.)
“From a student’s perspective, a large chain like this would boggle the mind,” Moody said. “They might know that their partner had a previous partner. But they don’t think about the fact that this partner had a previous partner, who had a partner, and so on.
“What this shows, for the first time, is that there are many of these links in a chain, going far beyond what anyone could see and hold in their head.”
Outside of this large component, there were numerous other smaller components in the network at Jefferson High. There were 63 simple pairs – two individuals whose only partnership was with each other.
All told, only 35 percent of the romantically active students (189) were involved in networks containing three or fewer students. There were very few components of intermediate size (4 to 15) students.
While many students were connected to much larger networks, they probably didn’t see it that way, Moody said. In fact, they probably had no idea of their connections to the network.
“Many of the students only had one partner. They certainly weren’t being promiscuous. But they couldn’t see all the way down the chain.”
The surprising thing about the network at Jefferson High was the near absence of cycling –- situations in which people have relationships with others close to them on the network, Moody said.
The lack of cycling seems traceable to rules that adolescents have about who they will not date. The teens will not date (from a female perspective) one’s old boyfriend’s current girlfriend’s old boyfriend. This would be considered taking “seconds” in a relationship.
“If you break up with someone, you may want to get as away from them as possible in your next relationship. You don’t want to be connected to them in some way by dating someone with a close relationship,” Moody said.
The practical result from such a rule is that no cores form, and that long, chain-like networks form instead. That has important implications for preventing the spread of STDs in teenage populations, according to Moody, Bearman and Stovel.
In adult populations, in which there are cores of sexually active people who are the main conduits of disease, you can focus education and other efforts to this select group.
But in the case of adolescents, “there aren’t any hubs to target, so you have to focus on broad-based interventions,” Moody said. “You can’t just focus on a small group.”
This also means it matters less which people you reach with your efforts. Networks such as the one seen in Jefferson High are extremely fragile and just breaking one link in the chain – any link - will stop that part of the network from spreading any further. If enough links are broken, the spread of STDs can be radically limited.
“The students in this network are not unusual. They are just average students, and not extremely active sexually. So social policies that could help some of them protect themselves from STDs could break a lot of these chains that can lead to the spread of disease.”
#
Contact: James Moody, (614) 292-1722; Moody.77@osu.edu
Written by Jeff Grabmeier, (614) 292-8457; Grabmeier.1@osu.edu

miércoles, 30 de enero de 2013

Los que se sientan adelante, sacan mejores notas


The rich club phenomenon in the classroom

Nature
Scientific Reports
 
3,
 
Article number:
 
1174
 
doi:10.1038/srep01174

We analyse the evolution of the online interactions held by college students and report on novel relationships between social structure and performance. Our results indicate that more frequent and intense social interactions generally imply better score for students engaging in them. We find that these interactions are hosted within a “rich-club”, mediated by persistent interactions among high performing students, which is created during the first weeks of the course. Low performing students try to engage in the club after it has been initially formed, and fail to produce reciprocity in their interactions, displaying more transient interactions and higher social diversity. Furthermore, high performance students exchange information by means of complex information cascades, from which low performing students are selectively excluded. Failure to engage in the rich club eventually decreases these students' communication activity towards the end of the course.

At a glance

Introduction




More than 1.2 million students drop out of school every year in the U.S., one every 26 seconds1. Year 2007 dropouts will cost more than $300 billion in lost wages, taxes and productivity to the U.S. Dropouts contribute about $60,000 less in federal and state income taxes. Each cohort of dropouts costs the U.S. $192 billion in lost income and taxes2. A dropout student is more than 8 times as likely to be in jail or prison as a high school graduate and nearly 20 times as likely as a college graduate3.
Early detection of poor performance will allow more time to take corrective actions and will likely help to reduce the number of dropouts. Therefore, it is of the utmost importance to be able to assess the performance of students in a continuous manner.
Computer science is not unaware of this need for close follow up of students. Computer Supported Collaborative Learning (CSCL) is a branch of computer science that intersects with pedagogy and social sciences. Indeed, one of the goals of CSCL is to explore appropriate methods/tools for evaluating collaboration so that more insight can be gained into the results of lecturing/teaching procedures4.
However, systematic gathering and analysis of educational data in-natura has only recently started. So far this analysis has mainly tried to determine static structural features of the social learning network formed by the students. For instance, Nurmela et al. looked at the structure of the interactions trying to determine the central actors in a CSCL environment5. In this social structure, “key communicators” were assumed to be the most connected individuals in time-aggregated networks6. Similar analyses were carried out by Martínez et al.7 and Chen and Watanabe, who focused on other structural parameters that are important for the final score: group structure, member's physical location distribution, and member's social position8.
Beyond this merely static structural analysis, the literature also highlights the key role of student interaction for effective learning. At a societal scale, Granovetter's pioneering work9 recognised the importance of interaction patterns and proposed his well-known “strength of weak ties” phenomenon, where he hypothesised that isolated social ties offer limited access to external prospects, while heterogeneous social ties diversify one's opportunities.
While the relevance of the social network structure and interactions has been widely recognised in the educational context10, some other factors have recently been under the spotlight, e.g. social acceptance or willingness to communicate11. In general, it is not just about knowing “who” the students interact with, but “how” and “when” they do it and, importantly, what is the result of these interactions with regards to the educational outcome12.
Preliminary answers to the “how” question come from different works. The effects of analysing the relationships between web forum users on the structure of the network (reconstructed from the messages sent) were studied in1314. Also, the type of interaction or content being exchanged have been considered616. However, these previous analyses were based on a static snapshot of the structure and interactions of the network at some point in time or included a reduced number of samples. For instance7, analysed these macroscopic metrics in the four different assignments the course was structured in (  once a month).
Acquiring full knowledge on “how” students interact would be facilitated by having access to dynamic interactions and their changes with time. Timing is a determinant element to understand the correspondence between student behaviour and performance. Therefore, this paper tries to determine the individual and group-level behavioural patterns that lead to low scoring and possible dropout. Gaining insight into these data could help in identifying “groups at risk”, enabling educators to act sooner and hopefully reduce dropout rates.
The rest of this paper is organised as follows. Next section presents the main results obtained from our analysis. This is followed by a broader discussion.

Results



We analysed a record of college student interactions and compared social interaction data with the academic scores of the students (see third paragraph of Course Details in Methods in theSupplementary Information (SI) for a concrete definition on what an interaction is in this context) and how this relationship evolves with time. To this end, we analysed records of 80, 000 interactions by 290 students - approximately 16 times more interactions with almost 3 times more students than previous studies on educational networks in natura5678101215. Even so the data can still be considered to be sparse (  4.6 interactions per person per day). This sparseness is partly due to the fact that our work does not include verbal in classroom interactions or other communication mechanisms, like discussion groups that are typical in most universities.
Figure 1A shows a snapshot of the social graph for one of the classes being analysed.Supplementary video S1 offers a complete weekly sequence of interactions between students in one of the courses we analysed.

Figure 1: Diversity and Assortativity Analysis.


(A) shows a graph of one of the analysed courses including 82 students at the end of the last week of the course. Continuous thick blue edges indicate persistent interactions while dotted thin grey edges indicate transient interactions. High performing students are shown in dark blue, mid performing ones in red and low performing ones in green. As can be observed, high performance students form a “core” where the highest density of persistent interactions can be observed. Low performance students remain in the periphery of the graph, mainly holding transient interactions. (B) Scatter plot and linear regression for one of the variables analysed (number of interactions) vs. scoring in one of the classes (R2 = 0.72). (C) Scatter plot and linear regression for social diversity vs. scoring in one of the classes (R2 = 0.12). (D): Ratio of transient to persistent interactions obtained for different groups of students with different levels of interaction (LOW, MID, HIGH).

Diversity and assortativity analysis

Our first finding is that, in this environment, social diversity is negatively correlated with performance. This is explained by our second finding: high performing students interact in groups of similarly performing peers. This effect is stronger the higher the performance of the student. Indeed, low performance students tend to initiate many transient interactions regardless of the performance of the students they interact with. These interactions held by low performance students start late in the course, allowing high performers to establish a closely knitted group. In the following, we give details of these findings.
We start by comparing the score of each student with diversity metrics associated with the interactions held by each member of the social network (as shown in the SI). We characterise the nature and diversity of interaction ties within an individual's social network. Specifically, social diversity is defined as Shannon's entropy associated with individual communication behaviour, normalised to the total number of interactions (see Methods in SI for more details). Since both Shannon's entropy and the total number of interactions depend on the degree (number of connections), this normalisation reduces the correlation between low degree and high social diversity (see Figure S1 in Supplementary material).
The number of connections (students that a student has interacted with) and number of interactions (times a student has contacted or been contacted with/by other students), (see Methods in SI) were all positively correlated with the final score of the student (Pearson's correlations of 0.81, 0.85, respectively; p < 0.01), as shown in Figure 1B. Principal component analysis of these metrics revealed that all of them were closely interrelated, resulting in a non-significant improvement when combined (see Methods in SI). However, social diversity negatively correlated with final scores (Pearson's correlation of –0.34, p < 0.01) (Figures 1C). The reader is reminded that correlation does not imply causation and that diversity cannot be regarded as the cause of low score from these results.
To further analyse the effects on score, students were grouped into high (> 6.5), mid (between 6.5 and 3.5) and low (< 3.5) scoring (scores in Spain are typically given in a 0–10 scale, being 10 the top score). To verify the suggested existence of less effective interactions, we also classified the type of interactions in two types: 1) persistent, those sustained over time, and 2) transient, those not reciprocated within a week. We found that at the end of the course up to 28 ± 12% of the interactions held by high performing students were persistent, which is statistically different to those held by mid (14 ± 5%) or low (1 ± 0.5%) performance students (n = 290, p < 0.05).
We analysed the average ratio of transient to persistent interactions per neighbour: a higher number indicated less targeted interactions. This is illustrated in Figure 1D for one of the three classes under analysis (results were similar for the other two classes).
The presence of more focused and sustained interactions did not stop high scoring students from interacting with colleague students with mid or low scores in a transient manner (similar number of transient interactions regardless of the score). An assortativity analysis17 on these persistent interactions with regards to score indicated the existence of preferential interaction initiation (r = 0.5, p < 0.05 by using the Jackknife method, see Methods in SI). In other words, similarly scoring students tended to keep persistent interactions only between themselves.
This assortative behaviour with regards to scoring is highly suggestive of a “rich club” phenomenon (see Methods in SI and1819). A “rich club” is defined as a set of nodes with degree larger than kthat tend to be more densely connected among themselves than the nodes with degree smaller than k. When we performed this analysis taking all the types of interaction into account, we could observe no “rich club” effect (  for the students with more links, indicating they also interacted with students outside the “rich club”). However, when only persistent interactions were taken into account, we obtained  , which is in line with the idea of high scoring students keeping persistent interactions between themselves as indicated by our assortativity analysis. The “rich club” phenomenon could not be observed during the first weeks, φ(r) ≪ 1, and it became apparent only after week 4–5 for the top performing students, remaining stable afterwards.

Temporal analysis

One interesting finding is that the total number of interactions per week (normalised to the maximum value in all weeks) for all groups increased over time and it saturated around week 6 for mid performing students and around week 4 for high performing students (Figure 2A). In both cases, the number of persistent and transient interactions increased until saturation as the weeks went by. However, the number of interactions for low scoring students behaved in a strikingly different manner. The number of total interaction increased until week 4, where it started to drop steadily until the end of the course (Figure 2A). We believe this may be due to a lack of incentives to interact as revealed by our reciprocity measurements (see two paragraphs below).


Figure 2: Persistent Interaction Analysis.
Persistent Interaction Analysis.
(A) Temporal Evolution of the total number of interactions in all groups. The y-axis indicates the number of interactions per group per week normalised to the value of the week when the maximum number of interactions was recorded for that group. This figure pools normalised data from all three courses available. High performing students start to interact before and keep interactions throughout the whole course. The same applies to mid performing students, although their interactions start a bit later in the course. Low performing students start interacting later than high performing ones and their interactions drop with time. The maximum values used for normalising these curves were 150, 36, 57 and 63 all, high, mid and low interactions, respectively. (B, C and D) Evolution of the % of persistent interactions (relative to the average total # of interactions of that group) per week and per student group (low, (B); mid, (C); and high, (D)) relative to the total number of interactions per group per week. Continuous lines represent the fit of a curve to the points as indicated in Methods. As can be observed, the % of persistent interaction increases as the course progresses for all groups of students. High performing students achieved a higher % of persistent interactions than mid and low performing ones.
A closer look at the data revealed that the percentage of persistent interactions increased in all groups, but with different timing, as shown in the persistent interaction analysis (see Figure 2B, C, D). As indicated in Table 2, the midpoint for the sigmoid function was 6.08, 4.81 and 3.2 weeks for low, mid and high performing students (p < 0.05). This suggested that high performing students on average established persistent interactions before mid and low performance students did (1 and 2 weeks earlier, respectively). Also, mid performing students started to establish persistent interactions 1 week before low performance students did. If one takes the slope of the sigmoid as a reference, it can be observed that there was no significant difference in the rate of change from a “low interaction mode” to a “high interaction mode” between mid and high performing students (0.58 vs. 0.4769). These data are in line with those on the number of connections, interactions and attendance (Figure 3 A, B and C), which showed that low performance students tried to engage later in the course, while mid and high performing students started their interactions earlier. These data are aligned with the number of students that stopped delivering their assignments and therefore did not pass the course. The average percentage of students dropping the course was 24.5%, 31.5% and 0% for low, mid and high performance students, respectively.  80% of these dropouts occurred after the 9th week of course. The higher attendance level by high performing students may also be causing the higher number of persistent interactions, although our analysis does not let us conclude any causality relationship.


Table 1: Summary of the cascade analysis performed across the three groups of students (p < 0.05 between any two groups)


Table 2: Sigmoid Fitting Results. Constants obtained on fitting a sigmoid curve to the data


Figure 3: Course Data Details.
Course Data Details.
(A) Shows the evolution of the degree of the nodes in the graph per week per scoring group for all three courses. (B) Number of actual communications held per day on a given week grouped per scoring group. (C) An estimation of the attendance of the students to the course, based on the number of log-ons performed on any day in that week in any of the systems available for them to communicate. As can be observed, the degree remained almost constant for mid and high performing students, while it started to increase around week 4 and slowly declined later on for low performance students. This same pattern is observed for the number of interactions held by the students. These data are consistent with our estimation of “attendance”, where log performing students have a significantly lower number of logins into the system. All panels show data from one of the courses under study only. The whiskers in the Figure show the estimated error in the mean.
Taking data on increasing percentage of persistent student interactions together with the assortativity analysis (students preferred to interact with those who have similar scores/performance), our results suggested that at some point reciprocity Ri,j (measured as the fraction of times a student i in any given group responds to a student j outside her same group) should start to drop. However, reciprocity remained unchanged with time and was similar between groups (  0.7). By analysing the direction of the initiation of the interaction we could see that persistent interactions held between members of different groups are highly symmetric (having almost even initiations starting from both ends). On the contrary, transient interactions between members of different groups are almost always initiated by the student with lower performance (with 0.87 probability). In addition, the timing of responses was different. While persistent interactions are responded in 8.1 ± 0.3 hours on average, the response time for transient interactions is delayed 7.21 ± 0.46 days.
This could be indicating that low performance was due to either a lack of interest of the students or just that no valuable content was conveyed in these delayed interactions. Since the content of these interactions was not logged, we restricted ourselves to find whether there was any differences in the way content flowed between students and groups of students.

Information cascades

Information cascades reveal spread mechanisms in which an action or idea becomes adopted due to the influence of others, typically, neighbours in some network. A well-known example are cascades in the context of large product recommendation networks21222324.
In order to detect the presence of information cascades and determine the actual value of the communication, we needed to gain insight on the content of the messages exchanged by students. Since this would be a clear violation of students' privacy, we decided to analyse another source of information: file exchange of students in their home directories and in their Moodle and collaborative workspace accounts (see “Information Cascades” in Methods in SI).
We defined as trivial cascades those implying a single transfer (a single originating source and a single destination) of information about the course, and non-trivial cascades, those with more complex patterns. We found a total of 845 cascades, and 53.37% of which were trivial cascades (T1in Figure 4), 25% were non-trivial cascades involving transfer from a single source to many destinations in the same time frame, and the remaining 11% of the cascades were topologically more complex.


Figure 4: Information Cascades.
Information Cascades.
Most Frequent Cascades for Low Performing (A) and High Performing (B) students. Students initiating, relaying or receiving a document were supposed to be part of the cascade. As can be observed high performance students keep more complex information cascades in sharing documents in the systems available. Low performing students use a more straightforward “relay” strategy, forwarding documents to other students.
The total number of cascades was significantly different across all three groups 51%, 35.97% and 13.03% for high, mid and low performance students, respectively (see Table 1).
Our data revealed that the length of the cascade (number of synchronous transfers) gradually increased as the average score of the students involved in the cascade increased. This is also supported by the fact that among non trivial cascades, the most common pattern for low performance students was star-like (T2 and T3 in Figure 4, 97.8%), while chained cascades (T4, T5 and T6 in Figure 4) were more common for mid (53.82%) and high (76.29%) performing students.

Discussion




Being limited to non-verbal interactions between students prevented us from capturing a wealth of valuable interactions and led to some sparseness in our data. We combined fine-grained educational data at unprecedented temporal resolution in educational settings (  4.6 events per student per day) and gained insight into the type of interaction patterns that are associated to lower performance.
The major finding is that a higher number of online interactions (independently of the number of distinct students involved) is usually an indicator of higher score.
Our data show that increased social diversity is negatively correlated with high scores; most diversity metrics are correlated with the degree of the vertices (e.g. Shannon's entropy or topological diversity as in25) and this may lead to think that social diversity is high in low performing students because their number of connections (degree) is low. We minimised this fact with the normalisation of Shannon's entropy to degree.
The results also show that the higher the score of the students, the higher the percentage of their interactions that were persistent. These results were independent of gender differences (correlation of gender to score was −0.04). As the score of the student increases, these persistent interactions are initiated with a reduced number of similarly performing colleagues (assortative interaction pattern). Low performance students have a larger number of transient interactions spread over a large number of neighbours.
The dynamics of these interactions reveal that once students start to establish persistent interactions they do it more and more until a maximum saturation point is reached. High performing students tend to initiate persistent interactions before low performance ones, suggesting more willingness to collaborate. A striking fact is that these high performance students still maintain more than  70% of transient interactions, mostly with mid performance students. Our reciprocity analysis shows that students try to contact high performance students and these respond although the latter do not usually initiate disassortative interactions with low performance students.
These early persistent interactions enable high performance students to build a “rich club”, while low performance students barely interact. Low performance students start to interact later (around week 4–5), when their “attendance” also increased just to decrease again towards the end of the course. This delay may help to explain why low performance students initiated more interactions that decreased after they failed to engage in persistent interactions with high performing students, since the “rich-club” had already been formed.
We could not monitor the content of the private message of students and decided to perform an information diffusion analysis that could help us gain insight on the value of the content actually being exchanged. Our results revealed that low performance students generally exchange documents in a trivial manner (i.e. in a forwarding manner that spans a single hop). On the contrary, more complex and longer cascades occur in high performing groups. This indicates the existence of a highly organised network where similarly performing students exchange information in a well-structured fashion, following characteristic patterns that are different across groups. While high performing students mainly exchange documents in a chained manner, low performance students spread the information to many other students at the same time, without this document apparently being relayed to other students beyond the recipient. Indeed, low performance students were not typically included in the information chains developed by high performing students. By this we do not mean to imply a deliberate behaviour of students, but it most likely indicates the presence of a benefit maximisation process by which students focus their efforts on potentially more fruitful connections.
Low performance students drastically reduce the number of interactions after week 5, which may be indicating a lack of motivation that leads them to drop the course and focus on other tasks. This per se does not let us conclude a lack of skills or motivation by low performance students. For instance, external factors may cause both less interactions and dropping the course (e.g. too many extracurricular activities). The lack of data that could enable causality inference in our analysis precludes us from concluding whether inefficient interactions, external factors or both are the cause of the dropout/reduced performance.
Even when we cannot directly build a causality chain, our empirical data suggest that: 1) low performing students engage later in the course; 2) this late engagement is related with their exclusion from the highly-structured and persistent information exchanges held by high performing students; 3) low performing students try to compensate by initiating larger number of weak interactions; 4) since this attempt to catch up is not successful low performance students drastically reduce the number of interactions.
Our study did not allow us to distinguish the root cause (initial delay in interacting, low degree or a combination of both) of the increased social diversity found in low performing students.
As part of our future work, we aim to perform a detailed causality analysis to detect the root cause of the low performance. This may help to get low performing students involved in high performing chains and hopefully increase their final score and reduce dropout rates. On the other hand, this may have a negative effect on high scoring students who will get many more interactions. We also plan to expand this analysis to non university environments.

Methods




The data consist of the interactions of 290 students at a Spanish university, during two consecutive years of a 12-week long course on Basic Computer Science Skills (in Linux such as OpenOffice, GIMP, or content licensing techniques such as Creative Commons) for freshmen students of journalism.
An interaction is defined as a communication attempt via the aforementioned systems. We logged the time and direction of the interaction in the Chat and the class IRC (see Table 3 for a detailed list of interactions and types). Confidentiality prevented us from performing an examination on the content of these interactions. Moodle and our collaborative workspace let us keep track of documents shared by students.


Table 3: Percentage of Interactions per Communication Channel. Average % of interactions taking place over the different communication channels employed in our study. No significant differences were found between different groups of students. Moodle interaction count was increased only if the post received an answer. The collaborative workspace let us include interactions from blog posts, document shares, reminders or messages in the collaborative space. Each chat and classroom IRC session (sequence of messages exchanged without stopping for more than 3 min) counted as a single interaction
These interactions were used to build a graph with a fine grained temporal granularity (see Communication Channels in the SI). Diversity, grouping and connectivity metrics were calculated on the graph (see SI)20. These metrics were analysed and compared throughout the course. A snapshot of the quality of the data set can be observed in Figure 5.


Figure 5: Quality of the Data.
Quality of the Data.
Probability density distribution of the number of iterations (A) and connections (B) per group in one of the courses being analysed.
Finally, we studied how files appeared and spread across the HOME directory students kept in the servers of the Lab (see SI).

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Acknowledgements




We would like to thank Charles Elkan, Miranda Mowbray, Nabeel Gillani, Suksant Sae Lor, and Kate Mallichan for their insightful comments on the manuscript and Yannis Dimitriadis and Eduardo Gomez for inspiring this work. Manuel Cebrian acknowledges support from the National Science Foundation under grant 0905645, from DARPA/Lockheed Martin Guard Dog Program under PO 4100149822, and the Army Research Office under Grant W911NF-11-1-0363.

Author information




Affiliations

  1. Hewlett-Packard Laboratories, Bristol BS34 8QZ, UK

    • Luis M. Vaquero
  2. NICTA, Melbourne, Victoria 3010, Australia

    • Manuel Cebrian
  3. Department of Computer Science and Engineering, University of California at San Diego, La Jolla, CA 92093, USA

    • Manuel Cebrian

Contributions

Conceived, designed and performed the experiments: L.M.V. Analysed the data: L.M.V., M.C. Wrote the paper: L.M.V., M.C.

Competing financial interests

The authors declare no competing financial interests.

Corresponding author

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